Valkollen: Analysis of Arabic-language Content on the Swedish Election

Stockholm

The Arabic-language content on the Swedish election largely consisted of news items and regular updates disseminated across multiple social media platforms. A substantial proportion of this material consisted of AI-generated infographics that introduced political parties, their leaders, and programmatic priorities. This informational content subsequently evolved into a broader awareness campaign emphasizing the importance of electoral participation, particularly among immigrant communities.

Within this campaign, videos of ballot papers were used to demonstrate differences between party logos and to instruct viewers on how to avoid confusing the Sweden Democrats (SD) with the Social Democrats (S). Among younger audiences, the messaging increasingly focused on how to vote for the Left Party (Vänsterpartiet (V)), indicating a discernible demographic shift in party preference within this cohort.

The material also documented a mobilization effort in Malmö that explicitly encouraged voters to support either the Social Democrats (S) or the Left Party (V) while rejecting the Nuance Party (Partiet Nyans), with the stated objective of preventing the formation or continuation of a Tidö government coalition.

In addition, there was content spotlighting immigrant candidates standing for election. These portrayals were predominantly positive, with one notable exception: Simona Mohamsson. In her case, a large volume of posts questioned her origins and accused her of exploiting Islamophobia for political gain. This contrast suggests that while immigrant participation in electoral politics was generally framed affirmatively, figures perceived as aligning with Islamophobic discourse were subjected to significant critical scrutiny.

Central Clusters of Arabic-language Content on the Swedish Election

1. Voter Education and Ballot Literacy

Content such as TikTok explainers on how to use Swedish ballots and distinguish party logos plays a foundational educational role. They are complemented by Alkompis’ education campaign.

Analytically, this content performs a dual function. It is technical voter education aimed at first-time or politically marginalized voters, particularly Arabic speakers unfamiliar with Swedish ballots. It also constitutes a form of political socialization: it frames certain parties (S and V) as “safe” vehicles for immigrant representation and implicitly positions SD as a threat to be avoided. Thus, informational graphics are not ideologically neutral; they contribute to the construction of a normative hierarchy of parties for immigrant audiences.

2. Partisan Mobilization and Anti‑Right‑Wing Messaging

Several posts and visuals move beyond neutral education into explicit mobilization. Facebook content urging voters to “vote for V or S, not Nuance” and slogans such as “vote left or the airport” (implying: vote left or risk deportation) openly articulate a high-stakes framing: left-leaning parties are presented as a bulwark against exclusionary migration policies, while right-wing alternatives are cast as existential threats to immigrant presence in Sweden.

This narrative crystallizes around the Tidö-agreement and the prospect of continued right‑wing governance. The Malmö-focused material, for example, openly calls for support for S or V to block the Tidö constellation. In this sense, the campaign is not only partisan but anti‑coalition.

SD Campaigns

Specific posts track or critique Sweden Democrats’ campaigns, sometimes juxtaposing SD messaging with warnings about racism, deportations, or Islamophobia. These function as counter‑campaigns: they do not merely inform about SD but seek to delegitimize it as fundamentally incompatible with immigrant and Muslim presence in Sweden.

3. Immigrant Candidates

Another narrative cluster highlights candidates of migrant backgrounds standing for election, often presenting them as symbols of inclusion and the political maturation of immigrant communities in Sweden. These posts are generally affirming: they emphasize candidates’ migrant backgrounds, professional achievements, and potential to “speak for” or “stand with” Arab and Muslim voters. In post-election results, celebratory posts highlighted newly elected Swedish candidates of Kurdish and Somali origins.

However, this positive framing is not extended uniformly. The case of Simona Mohamasson (Liberals) stands out as a negative exception. She is portrayed through a lens of suspicion: posts question her authenticity, origins, and accuse her of leveraging Islamophobia for personal advancement.

4. The Palestinian Cause as a Mobilizing Frame

Posts linking the Swedish elections to the Palestinian cause indicate that electoral choices are being mapped onto broader transnational solidarity. Parties or candidates are evaluated not only on domestic welfare and migration policies but also on their positions on Palestine. These narratives often present voting for certain parties (typically on the left) as an extension of solidarity practice: to vote is to stand with Palestine and against perceived right‑wing complicity, as showcased by Simona Mohamasson's statements in support of Israel.

5. Manipulation, External Influence, and Information Flows

Another strand of content invokes “electoral manipulation” and highlights how Swedish election news is covered and amplified by Russian Arabic‑language outlets and other regional platforms. These posts suggest that Arab‑language audiences are not only consuming Swedish‑based material but are also situated within a broader media ecology in which geopolitical actors selectively frame the Swedish elections.

This points to two analytically significant dynamics. First, it shows the vulnerability of immigrant communities to competing information, where Swedish domestic narratives intersect with Arabic‑language coverage produced outside Sweden. Second, references to manipulation lead to the implication of distrust in official processes and mainstream Swedish media; alternative outlets, including those tied to Russian or regional interests, may assume the role of “truth‑tellers” or at least “counter‑narrators.” It is worth noting that these posts are mostly found on X and TikTok.